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Written evidence submitted to the
House of Commons International Development Committee
23 October 2002
by Marcus Colchester M.A., D.Phil. (Oxon.)
Director, Forest Peoples Programme



Executive Summary:

About 800 million people currently inhabit, or depend directly on, forests. They are among the world’s poorest and least protected social groups. Detailed studies by the specialist NGO, Forest Peoples Programme, reveal a systematic failure of the effectiveness of World Bank projects and policies to protect the rights and improve the livelihoods of forest peoples. Field studies, the testimony of affected communities and World Bank documentation all show clearly that recent and ongoing World Bank projects have:

  • damaged the welfare of indigenous and tribal peoples
  • denied their internationally recognised rights to their lands and to their livelihoods
  • failed to comply with the World Bank’s own policies and procedures

Notwithstanding these serious problems, World Bank ‘safeguard policies’ – the main instruments that the World Bank relies on to prevent these kinds of problems – are in the process of being systematically weakened. This is explicitly being done to speed up, and reduce the costs of, World Bank lending. It also has the effect of reducing the number of complaints that can be filed against the Bank through the Inspection Panel. The gap between international human rights law and development best practices, on the one hand, and the World Bank’s policies and projects, on the other, is thus growing ever wider and serious social and environmental impacts are almost inevitable.

Regrettably, despite a professed commitment to a rights-based approach to development, the British Government has not intervened effectively to halt this erosion of standards. Indeed, the Secretary of State for International Development personally pushed through the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Project even though it was demonstrably not in compliance with World Bank safeguard policies and was predicted to have serious social repercussions. The forest peoples in the project zone are now suffering exactly the problems that were predicted.

The British Government should take decisive action to revise and strengthen World Bank ‘safeguard policies’ in compliance with the World Bank’s obligation to uphold international human rights law. World Bank operations should provide project-affected groups means to redress and resolve unforeseen problems, through the introduction of new accountability mechanisms established at the outset of the projects and programmes. Strong interventions are also required to deal with ongoing problem projects. The ‘pressure to lend’ must not be allowed to override the need for effective mechanisms to ensure sustainable development and respect for human rights.  

Introduction:

The Forest Peoples Programme is a specialist NGO set up to support the rights of forest-dwellers in forestry, conservation and development activities. The programme runs a number of field projects, carried out jointly with forest peoples’ organisations, in Latin America, Central Africa, Southeast Asia and Siberia. It also helps forest peoples to participate in the evolution of national and international policies and standards regarding human rights, environment and development and to monitor the implementation of these policies at the local and national levels.

Over the past twelve years, the Programme has been carefully contributing to and monitoring the evolution of World Bank policies - especially those of most direct relevance to forests and forest peoples. This has included: participation in the main World Bank-NGO dialogues on the revision of World Bank policies on Forests, Indigenous Peoples and Involuntary Resettlement; acting as a member of the World Bank’s Technical Advisory Group on the Forestry Policy; carrying out detailed participatory field studies of World Bank projects; assisting forest peoples to document their own experiences as ‘project affected persons’; publication of case studies and analyses; dialogue and extensive correspondence with the UK Government including the Secretary of State for International Development and the Department for International Development (DFID).      

This submission summarises the conclusions and recommendations that result from this detailed work on these policies and their implementation. Some key documents are annexed. Others are referred to in the endnotes and can be obtained from our web site or from our offices on request.

The World Bank’s ‘safeguard policies’:

The World Bank has ten ‘safeguard policies’, conceived by the Bank as a set of ‘minimum standards that all Bank-supported operations must meet’ [1] . Safeguard policies are binding on World Bank staff, constituting a set of standards and procedures that staff must observe during project design and implementation. This submission is principally concerned with three of these policies, namely those on Involuntary Resettlement, Forests and Indigenous Peoples. While initially conceived as a safety net to ensure that vulnerable social groups and environments do not get overlooked and thus harmed in Bank projects, such policies have become of crucial importance to people affected by World-Bank assisted projects because they fulfil a number of critical functions:

  1. They retain their principal function which is to address the interests of vulnerable social groups and environmental issues, which are otherwise easily marginalized in large-scale development;
  2. They are a set of rules for World Bank staff to follow – staff who are very often not trained in dealing with the issues of concern;
  3. They provide an agreed basis for negotiating loans with borrowers and clients;
  4. They provide the main basis on which operational staff can seek extra funds for project design, Economic and Sector Work and the development of Country Assistance Strategies (CAS) to deal with complex issues – crucial in a situation in which there is pressure to reduce ‘transaction costs’;
  5. They provide the only basis for the external accountability of the Bank to affected communities and civil society groups who may refer to such policies in raising concerns with implementing agencies and project managers - and through the Inspection Panel.
  6. They provide a yardstick for the assessment of operational performance and ‘development effectiveness’.
  7. They establish new norms and standards that can be adopted by other actors in the international development community, including private investment banks.

Evidence of poor compliance:

Successive implementation reviews find that compliance with safeguards remains a major problem. A recent review by the World Bank’s Operations Evaluation Department (OED) of the World Bank’s environmental performance notes inter alia that Environmental Assessments are too often made late in the project cycle, that ‘quality assurance is in doubt’, that Task Managers do not adhere to safeguard policies and that there remains a lack of clear accountability and responsibility. A key conclusion of the review is that ‘fundamental reform of implementation and accountability processes is critical’. [2]   Evidence of lack of due diligence and compliance failures can be found in the following policy reviews:

Involuntary Resettlement review:

According to the 1998 OED review of the World Bank’s performance in resettlement, many projects still suffer from an underdeveloped resettlement plan (RP).  The Bank often completes a project before staff can determine the probability that the RP will in fact fulfil its objectives, and there is a definite lack of monitoring and follow-through with regards to RPs.  Restoration of affected people's incomes remains weak, and there is no evidence of resettled people being better off than before the project was implemented. Often, baseline data used is inadequate for the construction of a satisfactory RP, and few projects actually had outcome data. [3]

Forestry Policy review:

A key finding of the 1999 OED Forest Policy review was that the Bank did not fulfil its main goal of curbing deforestation.  The policy was largely ignored in Country Assistance Strategies, Economic and Sector Work, and structural or sectoral adjustment lending programmes, and when the latter took account of the policy, there were no long-term provisions to ensure governance reform and institution building.  There was an overwhelming failure to promote poverty alleviation and citizen participation and questions concerning gender issues, governance issues and land tenure regimes remained routinely unaddressed.  There was a lack of follow-through with the policies in the course of the projects and a lack of monitoring, reporting and evaluation of the project development. [4]

Indigenous Peoples Policy review:

For many years FPP has been calling for an OED implementation review of the Indigenous Peoples Policy, and this was not undertaken until prompted by external research carried out by FPP in 1999 and 2000, wherein indigenous people also submitted case studies to a meeting held in Washington DC in May 2000, attended by the World Bank staff and the indigenous peoples representatives.  The study found that compliance was weak both within the Bank and the borrower countries, and this had a severe negative impact on indigenous people. [5]

The baseline studies were weak, participation of indigenous people was very limited, and was generally a one-way flow of information, rather than a true exchange of concerns, whilst information concerning the project was rarely accessible to the communities. Land and resources issues were often overlooked, and yet form a substantial part of OD 4.20.  Often no Indigenous Peoples development Plan (IPDP) was included, or contained inadequate provisions.  Projects were appraised without the Bank’s staff being in compliance with the policy. [6]   This FPP report paved the way for the OED to initiate an implementation review of OD 4.20, which was set in motion in April 2001, and which is now nearing completion.

A recent public presentation of a draft pre-publication report of the OED review confirms the poor pattern of compliance reported by FPP studies. Its survey of 89 closed projects that had affected indigenous peoples during the period 1992-2001 found, for example, that only 58% had applied the OD and that just twelve projects (14%) had self-standing Indigenous Peoples Development Plans as required under OD4.20. [7] The same review finds that the participation of indigenous peoples in decision-making in Bank projects affecting them was “low” and that just 20% of projects had included clear benchmarks for monitoring to measure impacts on indigenous communities.

Recommendations for enhancing compliance:

The study undertaken by FPP outlined some recommendations to improve compliance within the World Bank and to ensure indigenous people are not worse off after project completion:

  • Loan conditions should include stronger enforcement mechanisms and contain clear and enforced legal covenants;
  • Greater accountability of the World Bank and borrower governments to indigenous peoples is fundamental;
  • More accessible accountability mechanisms on the ground at the project or programme level are needed;
  • Independent monitoring and supervision, with agreed performance-based indicators is necessary;
  • Clearer guidance for interpretation and application of the policy for staff and implementing agencies required;
  • Stronger participation mechanisms are needed, which include direct involvement of indigenous peoples in the design, implementation and governance of projects and programmes which affect them and to which they have given their consent;
  • Access to information must be improved by providing project documents in a timely way, in a format understood by indigenous people and in a language they understand;
  • The policy must apply to adjustment lending;
  • The policy must be revised so it complies with international law, recognises and protects customary land and resource rights, accepts the principle of free, prior and informed consent and provides mechanisms for conflict resolution;
  • Additional technical funds to cover the costs of implementation should be included in projects.  Also, additional co-financing as grant aid should be made available to ensure resources are accessible for addressing indigenous peoples issues, with an emphasis on building up in-country capacity to deal with them in the future.

The Wapenhans report, which was commissioned by the World Bank in the wake of the highly damaging Morse report on the case of the Narmada Dam, concluded that the underlying cause of poor compliance with safeguards was the lack of appropriate incentives for staff, who were not rewarded for adherence to safeguards but instead for quick disbursement of loans. The study notes that the Bank suffered from a “pervasive preoccupation with new lending”, which biased institutional priorities and management structures to such an extent that the “credibility [of loan agreements] as binding documents has suffered” and “evidence of gross non-compliance [with Bank covenants] is overwhelming”. [8]   Since this report was published, in 1992, some effort has been made within the Bank to ensure that project assessment is based on performance, and the Bank has decentralised to encourage closer engagement with client governments. This has not however resulted in greater participation and consultation of affected peoples and civil society organisations within the borrower countries.

Pressure to weaken the safeguards:

Despite these problems with projects and continuing poor compliance with safeguards, strong pressure is being exerted by some quarters to weaken instead of strengthen the safeguard policies. This pressure to weaken safeguards stems from:

  • The Bank’s clients (Part 2 Executive Directors), who want money with no strings or obligations. (This pressure comes principally from the Bank’s clients which are, essentially, finance ministries, which may have quite different views about the importance of safeguards to other governmental departments and civil society groups. Given the OED and ESSD emphasis that the Bank should deal with the whole country as a ‘unit of account’, it is important to include the views of other Major Groups in deciding the country’s wants and needs); 
  • Within the Bank, pressure for less strict safeguards also comes from the regional Vice Presidents, country directors and staff economists who also want to be freed to move money fast. (Regionalisation of the Bank has reinforced this pressure and weakened compliance); [9]
  • The high transaction costs of implementing safeguards are another reason given by operational staff and clients for lowering standards;
  • A small cadre of staff within the Bank are seeking to have safeguards made more flexible and for the Bank to carry out micro-managed projects in marginal sectors. They seek to move from ‘do no harm to ‘do good’ projects and believe that less prescriptive wording would assist them to implement ‘process’ projects to this end. The unacceptable risk in this is that loosening standards to this end will permit a return to ‘do harm’ projects in the greater part of the Bank portfolio. ‘Minimum standards’ should not be weakened yet positive incentives should be given to staff to undertake ‘do good’ projects.

As one of the Bank’s former senior environmental scientists observes:

 

                   “The conversion process of policies from operational directives to operational policies and procedures was supposed to take no longer than six months. What was supposed to be a brief reformatting and editing exercise has deteriorated into 10 years of weakening, and is still not complete. However, the main achievement ...has been a pervasive tendency to weaken the Bank’s policies, at a time when they should be strengthened.” [10]

World Bank acting contrary to its obligations under international law:

 The Bank is required by international law not to interfere with or facilitate violations of its borrowers' international obligations, and thus must ensure that the borrower’s obligations are upheld in any given project. Each of the Bank’s member states has an obligation to promote human rights individually and through collective action in international fora. One such forum is the World Bank Group. [11]

Indigenous Peoples’ draft policy OP 4.10

Under international law bodies and instruments, [12] indigenous peoples’ ownership rights and property rights must be legally recognised and respected, yet draft OP 4.10 merely refers to “use and development” of the land which they inhabit. Under international law instruments, these land and resource rights are based on traditional occupation and use, and not on the state’s recognition of the land as such.  That this crucial issue is left to the discretion of the Borrower is clear from paragraph 20(e) of the Bank’s March 2001 Draft revised Policy on Indigenous Peoples (OP/BP 4.10). [13] This failure to properly address land rights in the proposed new policy is inconsistent with the Banks own views on the centrality of property rights to sustainable development and its mission to reduce poverty.

Participation, Consultation and Informed Consent

Many international instruments [14] declare that participation of the communities in decisions affecting their future and their development is mandatory, that no decisions can be taken without their informed consent, and that developments must be discussed with them prior to commencement of any action affecting them.  In Draft OP/BP 4.10, the Borrower merely “considers the views and preferences” of indigenous peoples when deciding to move ahead with the project and in determining if any project modifications are necessary and the Bank then determines if the Borrower’s judgment is consistent with the policy as a whole.

Involuntary resettlement

Under international instruments, relocation may only be considered as an exceptional measure in extreme and extraordinary cases, forcible relocation is prohibited as a gross violation of human rights, and indigenous peoples have a higher standard of protection against involuntary resettlement due to their unique connections to land and resources. In the World Bank’s recently adopted new policy on Involuntary Resettlement OP 4.12, Paragraph 2(b) [15] does not imply the legally required full prior and informed consent.  OP 4.12 directly contravenes these two norms of customary international law, which are binding on the Bank.

UK Government’s response:

As a member of the World Bank, the UK government is responsible for ensuring that this institution fosters respect for human rights.  Although Department for International Development (DFID) often reiterates its commitment to a rights-based approach to development, it appears reluctant to apply this approach to the World Bank. Our dialogues with staff in the DFID have forced us to conclude that DFID is not interested in upholding international safeguard standards, viewing them as outdated and somehow restrictive to effective development.  Ongoing correspondence with DFID and numerous meetings over the last few years have so far not revealed a clear UK position on either general or specific safeguard issues (see Annexes for summaries of these communications). Throughout this dialogue, DFID has instead emphasised the need to upstream environmental and social issues in development to take account of the shift to programmatic aid. It has shown reluctance to promote global standards for development. Specifically, DFID has informed NGOs that it is disinclined to push for stricter mechanisms to ensure compliance, arguing that such policies are prescriptive and make unreasonable demands on borrowers, constraining development. However, in our view, such policies are essential when such remote institutions as the World Bank are involved, as they offer the only way concerned citizens and affected groups can hold financiers and companies accountable and responsible for ensuring effective development.

The Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Project: a test case for DFID:

The problems that can arise if safeguard policies are not sufficiently enforced is well illustrated by the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project, which is supported by the World Bank through the IBRD, IFC and MIGA. Prior to this project being approved, the Bank and DFID were provided detailed warning about the likely impact of the project and it was clearly noted that the project was not in compliance with safeguard policies. Representatives of the forest dwelling ‘pygmy’ people, the Bagyéli, across whose lands the pipeline was to be constructed, travelled to the UK and Washington DC to personally warn about these threats to their lands and livelihoods.  Despite these and numerous other appeals to the World Bank and to DFID, the Secretary of State for International Development, Clare Short, personally intervened to push through approval of the project. She promised to make this project a test-case of the effectiveness of World Bank procedures and gave assurances that 'Britain will use its influence to insist that all appropriate controls are in place and that they are implemented rigorously...Our concern is to make the project work for the poor'. Our field investigations, which are ongoing, however, reveal that exactly the problems we had predicted have now come about. We summarise these in the table below and in more detail in Annex 3.

If this is a ‘test-case’ for the World Bank, what it proves to us is that  safeguard policies must not be overridden in the name of ‘development’ and must be rigorously upheld throughout the duration of World Bank projects. Equally important, DFID must take steps to ensure that these safeguard policies are not systematically weakened by the World Bank’s revision process and are consistent with current and evolving international development and human rights standards.

NGO predictions (1999/2000)

Outcomes (2001/2002)

Seriously flawed ‘Indigenous Peoples Development Plan’: the Bagyéli will be severely affected by:

  • Losing access to their forest-based subsistence, especially since the IPDP does not contain measures to secure their lands and territorial rights.
  • class="MsoNormal">Conflict with pipeline workers
  • Forest destruction and increased bush meat hunting
  • Land theft and settlement along pipeline
  • Decline in Bagyéli nutrition
  • Higher infant mortalities and disease incidence
  • Increased discrimination by local Bantu
  • Uncontrolled immigration of workforce, resulting in the spread of venereal disease, alcohol abuse and prostitution.
  • Mitigatory protected area establishment will deny indigenous hunting and gathering rights
  • Land has been taken from Bagyéli by the Bantu, who have claimed financial compensation for it from the pipeline consortium – conflict between the communities has been exacerbated by the pipeline.
  • No protection measures for the Bagyéli exist as such, even though the pipeline has been laid down through their ancestral homeland
  • Land theft, bush meat hunting and faunal decline all reported
  • Protected areas, established to compensate for forest loss, further extinguish Bagyéli rights
  • A logging company is threatening to move into Campo Ma’an national park and Bagyéli people are being pushed off their land
  • The public health situation is catastrophic: AIDS and other venereal diseases has spread, as has malaria. Water-borne diseases, respiratory diseases are almost epidemic: bronchospasm and bronchitis
  • Prostitution among young female minors as well as adults has increased, with the predicted effects of disease spread

Ways forward:

We present the following recommendations to the Committee on how the UK Government should move forward to ensure the adoption of strong safeguards by the World Bank, improve safeguard compliance and thus secure the quality of the Bank’s projects and programmes:

  • Clarify DFID’s policy with regard to the strengthening of the World Bank’s safeguard policies;
  • Require that the UK Delegation at the World Bank intervenes vigorously to strengthen safeguards and ensure adherence to international human rights standards in their adoption;
  • Press for a staff incentive review in order to identify management and remuneration incentives that will encourage World Bank staff to comply with safeguard policies;
  • Encourage bilateral agencies, including DFID, to provide enough grant aid to ease the burden of covering the transaction costs of applying safeguards through participatory engagement of project affected groups;
  • Promote greater linkage between the safeguard policies and international human rights and environmental law: in order to strengthen good governance and lessen borrowers’ sense that the Bank’s safeguard conditionalities are arbitrary and impositions contrary to national sovereignty;
  • Carry out rule of law assessments to identify ‘hands off’ criteria and essential policy and legal reforms;
  • Ensure earlier engagement with civil society in CAS, ESW and programmatic planning (‘upstreaming’);
  • Secure direct beneficiary involvement in project and programme governance;
  • Develop genuinely participatory monitoring and evaluation procedures in Bank projects;
  • Develop new conflict resolution, appeals procedures and mechanisms for the redress of grievances at country and project levels (and thus avoid issues always having to be taken to the Inspection Panel – where relations are adversarial and which should be a chamber of last resort);
  • Require private sector companies involved in World Bank, IFC and MIGA projects to operate in line with the safeguard policies and deposit  performance bonds as securities to incentivise compliance.


[1] World Bank, 2001, Making Sustainable Commitments: an Environment Strategy for the Bank, 17 April 2001: xv.

[2] Op. cit.:21.

[3] Resettlement and Development: The Bank-wide Review of Projects Involving Involuntary Resettlement 1986-1993. The World Bank, Environment Department: Washington D.C. 1994, at ¼.

[4] OED (2000) A Review of the World Bank’s 1991 Forest Strategy and its Implementation: Volume 1 and Volume 2  OED, World Bank, Washington DC

[5] Griffiths, T and Colchester, M (2000) Indigenous Peoples, Forests and the World Bank: policies and practice  FPP synthesis paper and report of workshop, Forest Peoples Programme, Moreton-in-Marsh

[6] Ibid.

[7] Note that while the OED accepts management’s arguments that an Indigenous Peoples Development Plan (IPDP) is only required in projects with potentially negative impacts on indigenous communities under paragraph 13 of the Directive, the World Bank Inspection Panel has ruled that the provision is quite clear that an IPDP is required for all investment projects affecting indigenous peoples – see Inspection Panel (2000) The Qinghai Project: a component of the China-Western Poverty Reduction Project (Credit No.3255-CHA and Loan No.4501-CHA) Inspection Panel Investigation Report, April 28, 2000 at page xxvi.

[8] World Bank (1992) Effective Implementation: Key to Development Impact, Portfolio Management Task Force, World Bank, Washington DC

[9] OED, 2001, OED Review of the Bank’s Performance on the Environment, 3 May 2001:24.

[10] Goodland, R (2002) Draft Comments on: The World Bank’s June 5th 2002 Discussion Note – Safeguard policies: framework for improving development effectiveness  Unpublished draft manuscript

[11] Mackay, F (2002) “Universal Rights or a Universe Unto itself? Indigenous Peoples Human Rights and the World Bank’s Draft OP 4.10 on Indigenous Peoples” American University International Law Review 17(3)(2002):527-624

[12] The UN Human Rights Committee, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHCR), the International Labour Organisation (ILO convention 169), the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights

[14] The ICCPR, the CERD, the ILO 169, the IAHCR and the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

[15]  World Bank Operational Policy 4.12 on Involuntary Resettlement. Para. 2(b).  See
http://wbln0018.worldbank.org/Institutional/Manuals/OpManual.nsf/toc2/
CA2D01A4D1BDF58085256B19008197F6?OpenDocument

 

 

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