Written evidence submitted to the
House of Commons International Development Committee
23 October 2002 |
by Marcus Colchester M.A., D.Phil. (Oxon.)
Director, Forest Peoples Programme
Executive Summary:
About 800 million
people currently inhabit, or depend directly on, forests. They
are among the world’s poorest and least protected social groups.
Detailed studies by the specialist NGO, Forest Peoples Programme,
reveal a systematic failure of the effectiveness of World Bank
projects and policies to protect the rights and improve the livelihoods
of forest peoples. Field studies, the testimony of affected communities
and World Bank documentation all show clearly that recent and
ongoing World Bank projects have:
Notwithstanding
these serious problems, World Bank ‘safeguard policies’ – the
main instruments that the World Bank relies on to prevent these
kinds of problems – are in the process of being systematically
weakened. This is explicitly being done to speed up, and reduce
the costs of, World Bank lending. It also has the effect of reducing
the number of complaints that can be filed against the Bank through
the Inspection Panel. The gap between international human rights
law and development best practices, on the one hand, and the World
Bank’s policies and projects, on the other, is thus growing ever
wider and serious social and environmental impacts are almost
inevitable.
Regrettably, despite
a professed commitment to a rights-based approach to development,
the British Government has not intervened effectively to halt
this erosion of standards. Indeed, the Secretary of State for
International Development personally pushed through the Chad-Cameroon
Pipeline Project even though it was demonstrably not in compliance
with World Bank safeguard policies and was predicted to have serious
social repercussions. The forest peoples in the project zone are
now suffering exactly the problems that were predicted.
The British Government
should take decisive action to revise and strengthen World Bank
‘safeguard policies’ in compliance with the World Bank’s obligation
to uphold international human rights law. World Bank operations
should provide project-affected groups means to redress and resolve
unforeseen problems, through the introduction of new accountability
mechanisms established at the outset of the projects and programmes.
Strong interventions are also required to deal with ongoing problem
projects. The ‘pressure to lend’ must not be allowed to override
the need for effective mechanisms to ensure sustainable development
and respect for human rights.
Introduction:
The Forest Peoples
Programme is a specialist NGO set up to support the rights of
forest-dwellers in forestry, conservation and development activities.
The programme runs a number of field projects, carried out jointly
with forest peoples’ organisations, in Latin America, Central
Africa, Southeast Asia and Siberia. It also helps forest peoples
to participate in the evolution of national and international
policies and standards regarding human rights, environment and
development and to monitor the implementation of these policies
at the local and national levels.
Over the past twelve
years, the Programme has been carefully contributing to and monitoring
the evolution of World Bank policies - especially those of most
direct relevance to forests and forest peoples. This has included:
participation in the main World Bank-NGO dialogues on the revision
of World Bank policies on Forests, Indigenous Peoples and Involuntary
Resettlement; acting as a member of the World Bank’s Technical
Advisory Group on the Forestry Policy; carrying out detailed participatory
field studies of World Bank projects; assisting forest peoples
to document their own experiences as ‘project affected persons’;
publication of case studies and analyses; dialogue and extensive
correspondence with the UK Government including the Secretary
of State for International Development and the Department for
International Development (DFID).
The World Bank’s ‘safeguard policies’:
-
They retain their principal function which
is to address the interests of vulnerable social groups and
environmental issues, which are otherwise easily marginalized
in large-scale development;
- They are a set of rules for World Bank staff to follow – staff
who are very often not trained in dealing with the issues of concern;
-
They provide an agreed basis for negotiating loans with
borrowers and clients;
- They provide the main basis on which operational staff can
seek extra funds for project design, Economic and Sector Work
and the development of Country Assistance Strategies (CAS) to
deal with complex issues – crucial in a situation in which there
is pressure to reduce ‘transaction costs’;
- They provide the only
basis for the external accountability of the Bank to affected
communities and civil society groups who may refer to such policies
in raising concerns with implementing agencies and project managers
- and through the Inspection Panel.
-
They provide a yardstick for the assessment of operational
performance and ‘development effectiveness’.
- They establish new norms and standards that can be adopted
by other actors in the international development community, including
private investment banks.
Evidence of poor compliance:
Successive
implementation reviews find that compliance with safeguards remains
a major problem. A recent review by the World Bank’s Operations
Evaluation Department (OED) of the World Bank’s environmental
performance notes inter alia that Environmental Assessments
are too often made late in the project cycle, that ‘quality assurance
is in doubt’, that Task Managers do not adhere to safeguard policies
and that there remains a lack of clear accountability and responsibility.
A key conclusion of the review is that ‘fundamental reform of
implementation and accountability processes is critical’.
[2]
Evidence
of lack of due diligence and compliance failures can be found
in the following policy reviews:
Involuntary Resettlement review:
According
to the 1998 OED review of the World Bank’s performance in resettlement,
many projects still suffer from an underdeveloped resettlement
plan (RP). The Bank often
completes a project before staff can determine the probability
that the RP will in fact fulfil its objectives, and there is a
definite lack of monitoring and follow-through with regards to
RPs. Restoration of affected people's incomes remains
weak, and there is no evidence of resettled people being better
off than before the project was implemented. Often, baseline data
used is inadequate for the construction of a satisfactory RP,
and few projects actually had outcome data.
[3]
Forestry Policy review:
A
key finding of the 1999 OED Forest Policy review was that the
Bank did not fulfil its main goal of curbing deforestation.
The policy was largely ignored in Country Assistance Strategies,
Economic and Sector Work, and structural or sectoral adjustment
lending programmes, and when the latter took account of the policy,
there were no long-term provisions to ensure governance reform
and institution building. There
was an overwhelming failure to promote poverty alleviation and
citizen participation and questions concerning gender issues,
governance issues and land tenure regimes remained routinely unaddressed. There was a lack of follow-through with the
policies in the course of the projects and a lack of monitoring,
reporting and evaluation of the project development.
[4]
Indigenous Peoples Policy review:
For
many years FPP has been calling for an OED implementation review
of the Indigenous Peoples Policy, and this was not undertaken
until prompted by external research carried out by FPP in 1999
and 2000, wherein indigenous people also submitted case studies
to a meeting held in Washington DC in May 2000, attended by the
World Bank staff and the indigenous peoples representatives.
The study found that compliance was weak both within the
Bank and the borrower countries, and this had a severe negative
impact on indigenous people.
[5]
The
baseline studies were weak, participation of indigenous people
was very limited, and was generally a one-way flow of information,
rather than a true exchange of concerns, whilst information concerning
the project was rarely accessible to the communities. Land and
resources issues were often overlooked, and yet form a substantial
part of OD 4.20. Often
no Indigenous Peoples development Plan (IPDP) was included, or
contained inadequate provisions.
Projects were appraised without the Bank’s staff being
in compliance with the policy.
[6]
This
FPP report paved the way for the OED to initiate an implementation
review of OD 4.20, which was set in motion in April 2001, and
which is now nearing completion.
A
recent public presentation of a draft pre-publication report of
the OED review confirms the poor pattern of compliance reported
by FPP studies. Its survey of 89 closed projects that had affected
indigenous peoples during the period 1992-2001 found, for example,
that only 58% had applied the OD and that just twelve projects
(14%) had self-standing Indigenous Peoples Development Plans as
required under OD4.20.
[7]
The same review finds that the participation
of indigenous peoples in decision-making in Bank projects affecting
them was “low” and that just 20% of projects had included clear
benchmarks for monitoring to measure impacts on indigenous communities.
Recommendations
for enhancing compliance:
The
study undertaken by FPP outlined some recommendations to improve
compliance within the World Bank and to ensure indigenous people
are not worse off after project completion:
- Loan conditions should include stronger enforcement mechanisms
and contain clear and enforced legal covenants;
- Greater accountability of the World Bank and borrower governments
to indigenous peoples is fundamental;
- More accessible accountability mechanisms on the ground at
the project or programme level are needed;
- Independent monitoring and supervision, with agreed performance-based
indicators is necessary;
-
Clearer guidance for interpretation and application of the policy
for staff and implementing agencies required;
- Stronger participation mechanisms are needed, which include
direct involvement of indigenous peoples in the design, implementation
and governance of projects and programmes which affect them and
to which they have given their consent;
- Access to information must be improved by providing project
documents in a timely way, in a format understood by indigenous
people and in a language they understand;
- The policy must apply to adjustment lending;
- The policy must be revised so it complies with international
law, recognises and protects customary land and resource rights,
accepts the principle of free, prior and informed consent and
provides mechanisms for conflict resolution;
- Additional technical funds to cover the costs of implementation
should be included in projects. Also, additional co-financing as grant aid should
be made available to ensure resources are accessible for addressing
indigenous peoples issues, with an emphasis on building up in-country
capacity to deal with them in the future.
The
Wapenhans report, which was commissioned by the World Bank in
the wake of the highly damaging Morse report on the case of the
Narmada Dam, concluded that the underlying cause of poor compliance
with safeguards was the lack of appropriate incentives for staff,
who were not rewarded for adherence to safeguards but instead
for quick disbursement of loans. The study notes that the Bank
suffered from a “pervasive preoccupation with new lending”, which
biased institutional priorities and management structures to such
an extent that the “credibility [of loan agreements] as binding
documents has suffered” and “evidence of gross non-compliance
[with Bank covenants] is overwhelming”.
[8]
Since
this report was published, in 1992, some effort has been made
within the Bank to ensure that project assessment is based on
performance, and the Bank has decentralised to encourage closer
engagement with client governments. This has not however resulted
in greater participation and consultation of affected peoples
and civil society organisations within the borrower countries.
Pressure to weaken the safeguards:
Despite
these problems with projects and continuing poor compliance with
safeguards, strong pressure is being exerted by some quarters
to weaken instead of strengthen the safeguard policies. This pressure
to weaken safeguards stems from:
-
The Bank’s clients (Part 2 Executive Directors), who want money
with no strings or obligations. (This pressure comes principally
from the Bank’s clients which are, essentially, finance ministries,
which may have quite different views about the importance of
safeguards to other governmental departments and civil society
groups. Given the OED and ESSD emphasis that the Bank should
deal with the whole country as a ‘unit of account’, it is important
to include the views of other Major Groups in deciding the country’s
wants and needs);
-
Within the Bank, pressure for less strict safeguards also comes
from the regional Vice Presidents, country directors and staff
economists who also want to be freed to move money fast. (Regionalisation
of the Bank has reinforced this pressure and weakened compliance);
[9]
-
The high transaction costs of implementing safeguards are another
reason given by operational staff and clients for lowering standards;
-
A small cadre of staff within the Bank are seeking to have safeguards
made more flexible and for the Bank to carry out micro-managed
projects in marginal sectors. They seek to move from ‘do no
harm to ‘do good’ projects and believe that less prescriptive
wording would assist them to implement ‘process’ projects to
this end. The unacceptable risk in this is that loosening standards
to this end will permit a return to ‘do harm’ projects in the
greater part of the Bank portfolio. ‘Minimum standards’ should
not be weakened yet positive incentives should be given to staff
to undertake ‘do good’ projects.
As one of
the Bank’s former senior environmental scientists observes:
“The conversion process of policies
from operational directives to operational policies and procedures
was supposed to take no longer than six months. What was supposed
to be a brief reformatting and editing exercise has deteriorated
into 10 years of weakening, and is still not complete. However,
the main achievement ...has been a pervasive tendency to weaken
the Bank’s policies, at a time when they should be strengthened.”
[10]
World
Bank acting contrary to its obligations under international law:
The Bank is required
by international law not to interfere with or facilitate violations
of its borrowers' international obligations, and thus must ensure
that the borrower’s obligations are upheld in any given project. Each of the Bank’s member states has an obligation to promote
human rights individually and through collective action in international
fora. One such forum is the World Bank Group.
[11]
Indigenous
Peoples’ draft policy OP 4.10
Under
international law bodies and instruments,
[12]
indigenous peoples’ ownership rights
and property rights must be legally recognised and respected,
yet draft OP 4.10 merely refers to “use and development” of the
land which they inhabit. Under international law instruments,
these land and resource rights are based on traditional occupation
and use, and not on the state’s recognition of the land as such.
That this crucial issue is left to the discretion of the
Borrower is clear from paragraph 20(e) of the Bank’s March 2001
Draft revised Policy on Indigenous Peoples (OP/BP 4.10).
[13]
This failure to properly address land
rights in the proposed new policy is inconsistent with the Banks
own views on the centrality of property rights to sustainable
development and its mission to reduce poverty.
Participation, Consultation and Informed Consent
Many
international instruments
[14]
declare that participation of the communities
in decisions affecting their future and their development is mandatory,
that no decisions can be taken without their informed consent,
and that developments must be discussed with them prior to commencement
of any action affecting them.
In Draft OP/BP 4.10, the Borrower merely “considers the
views and preferences” of indigenous peoples when deciding to
move ahead with the project and in determining if any project
modifications are necessary and the Bank then determines if the
Borrower’s judgment is consistent with the policy as a whole.
Involuntary resettlement
Under
international instruments, relocation may only be considered as
an exceptional measure in extreme and extraordinary cases, forcible
relocation is prohibited as a gross violation of human rights,
and indigenous peoples have a higher standard of protection against
involuntary resettlement due to their unique connections to land
and resources. In the World Bank’s recently adopted new policy
on Involuntary Resettlement OP 4.12, Paragraph 2(b)
[15]
does not imply the legally required
full prior and informed consent.
OP 4.12 directly contravenes these two norms of customary
international law, which are binding on the Bank.
UK
Government’s response:
As a member
of the World Bank, the UK government is responsible for ensuring
that this institution fosters respect for human rights. Although Department for International
Development (DFID) often reiterates its commitment to a rights-based
approach to development, it appears reluctant to apply this approach
to the World Bank. Our dialogues with staff in the DFID
have forced us to conclude that DFID is not interested in upholding
international safeguard standards, viewing them as outdated and
somehow restrictive to effective development.
Ongoing correspondence with DFID and numerous meetings
over the last few years have so far not revealed a clear UK position
on either general or specific safeguard issues (see Annexes for
summaries of these communications). Throughout this dialogue,
DFID has instead emphasised the need to upstream environmental
and social issues in development to take account of the shift
to programmatic aid. It has shown reluctance to promote global
standards for development. Specifically, DFID has informed NGOs
that it is disinclined to push for stricter mechanisms to ensure
compliance, arguing that such policies are prescriptive and make
unreasonable demands on borrowers, constraining development. However,
in our view, such policies are essential when such remote institutions
as the World Bank are involved, as they offer the only way concerned
citizens and affected groups can hold financiers and companies
accountable and responsible for ensuring effective development.
The
Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Project: a test case for DFID:
The problems that
can arise if safeguard policies are not sufficiently enforced
is well illustrated by the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project, which
is supported by the World Bank through the IBRD, IFC and MIGA.
Prior to this project being approved, the Bank and DFID were provided
detailed warning about the likely impact of the project and it
was clearly noted that the project was not in compliance with
safeguard policies. Representatives of the forest dwelling ‘pygmy’
people, the Bagyéli, across whose lands the pipeline was to be
constructed, travelled to the UK and Washington DC to personally
warn about these threats to their lands and livelihoods. Despite these and numerous other appeals to
the World Bank and to DFID, the Secretary of State for International
Development, Clare Short, personally intervened to push through
approval of the project. She promised to make this project a test-case
of the effectiveness of World Bank procedures and gave assurances
that 'Britain will use its influence to insist that all appropriate
controls are in place and that they are implemented rigorously...Our
concern is to make the project work for the poor'. Our field investigations,
which are ongoing, however, reveal that exactly the problems we
had predicted have now come about. We summarise these in the table
below and in more detail in Annex 3.
If
this is a ‘test-case’ for the World Bank, what it proves to us
is that safeguard policies
must not be overridden in the name of ‘development’ and must be
rigorously upheld throughout the duration of World Bank projects.
Equally important, DFID must take steps to ensure that these safeguard
policies are not systematically weakened by the World Bank’s revision
process and are consistent with current and evolving international
development and human rights standards.
|
NGO
predictions (1999/2000)
|
Outcomes
(2001/2002)
|
|
Seriously
flawed ‘Indigenous Peoples Development Plan’: the Bagyéli
will be severely affected by:
-
Losing access to their
forest-based subsistence, especially since the IPDP does
not contain measures to secure their lands and territorial
rights.
- class="MsoNormal">Conflict with pipeline workers
- Forest destruction and increased
bush meat hunting
- Land theft and settlement
along pipeline
- Decline in Bagyéli nutrition
- Higher infant mortalities
and disease incidence
- Increased discrimination by
local Bantu
- Uncontrolled immigration of
workforce, resulting in the spread of venereal disease,
alcohol abuse and prostitution.
- Mitigatory protected area
establishment will deny indigenous hunting
and gathering rights
|
-
Land has been taken from
Bagyéli by the Bantu, who have claimed financial compensation
for it from the pipeline consortium – conflict between
the communities has been exacerbated by the pipeline.
- No protection measures for the Bagyéli exist as such,
even though the pipeline has been laid down through their
ancestral homeland
- Land theft, bush meat hunting and faunal decline all
reported
- Protected areas, established to compensate for forest
loss, further extinguish Bagyéli rights
- A logging company is threatening to move into Campo
Ma’an national park and Bagyéli people are being pushed
off their land
- The public health situation is catastrophic: AIDS and
other venereal diseases has spread, as has malaria. Water-borne
diseases, respiratory diseases are almost epidemic: bronchospasm
and bronchitis
- Prostitution among young female minors as well as adults
has increased, with the predicted effects of disease spread
|
Ways forward:
We present the following recommendations to the Committee on
how the UK Government should move forward to ensure the adoption
of strong safeguards by the World Bank, improve safeguard compliance
and thus secure the quality of the Bank’s projects and programmes:
-
Clarify DFID’s policy with regard to the strengthening of the
World Bank’s safeguard policies;
-
Require that the UK Delegation at the World Bank intervenes
vigorously to strengthen safeguards and ensure adherence to
international human rights standards in their adoption;
-
Press for a staff incentive review in order to identify management
and remuneration incentives that will encourage World Bank staff
to comply with safeguard policies;
-
Encourage bilateral agencies, including DFID, to provide enough
grant aid to ease the burden of covering the transaction costs
of applying safeguards through participatory engagement of project
affected groups;
-
Promote greater linkage between the safeguard policies and international
human rights and environmental law: in order to strengthen good
governance and lessen borrowers’ sense that the Bank’s safeguard
conditionalities are arbitrary and impositions contrary to national
sovereignty;
-
Carry out rule of law assessments to identify ‘hands off’ criteria
and essential policy and legal reforms;
-
Ensure earlier engagement with civil society in CAS, ESW and
programmatic planning (‘upstreaming’);
-
Secure direct beneficiary involvement in project and programme
governance;
-
Develop genuinely participatory monitoring and evaluation procedures
in Bank projects;
-
Develop new conflict resolution, appeals procedures and mechanisms
for the redress of grievances at country and project levels
(and thus avoid issues always having to be taken to the Inspection
Panel – where relations are adversarial and which should be
a chamber of last resort);
-
Require private sector companies involved in World Bank, IFC
and MIGA projects to operate in line with the safeguard policies
and deposit performance bonds as securities to incentivise
compliance.
[1]
World Bank, 2001, Making
Sustainable Commitments: an Environment Strategy for the Bank,
17 April 2001: xv.
[3]
Resettlement
and Development: The Bank-wide Review of Projects Involving
Involuntary Resettlement 1986-1993. The World Bank, Environment
Department: Washington D.C. 1994, at ¼.
[4]
OED
(2000) A Review of the World Bank’s 1991 Forest Strategy and its Implementation:
Volume 1 and Volume 2 OED, World Bank, Washington DC
[5]
Griffiths, T and Colchester, M (2000)
Indigenous Peoples, Forests
and the World Bank: policies and practice FPP synthesis paper and report of workshop,
Forest Peoples Programme, Moreton-in-Marsh
[7]
Note that while the
OED accepts management’s arguments that an Indigenous Peoples
Development Plan (IPDP) is only required in projects with potentially
negative impacts on indigenous communities under paragraph 13
of the Directive, the World Bank Inspection Panel has ruled
that the provision is quite clear that an IPDP is required for
all investment projects affecting indigenous peoples
– see Inspection Panel (2000) The
Qinghai Project: a component of the China-Western Poverty Reduction
Project (Credit No.3255-CHA and Loan No.4501-CHA) Inspection
Panel Investigation Report, April 28, 2000 at page xxvi.
[8]
World Bank (1992) Effective Implementation: Key to Development
Impact, Portfolio Management Task Force, World Bank, Washington
DC
[9]
OED, 2001, OED Review of the Bank’s
Performance on the Environment, 3 May 2001:24.
[10]
Goodland, R (2002) Draft Comments
on: The World Bank’s June 5th 2002 Discussion Note – Safeguard
policies: framework for improving development effectiveness
Unpublished draft manuscript
[11]
Mackay, F (2002) “Universal Rights
or a Universe Unto itself? Indigenous Peoples Human Rights and
the World Bank’s Draft OP 4.10 on Indigenous Peoples” American University International Law Review
17(3)(2002):527-624
[12]
The UN Human Rights Committee, the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR),
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
(CERD), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHCR),
the International Labour Organisation (ILO convention 169),
the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights
[14]
The ICCPR, the CERD, the ILO 169,
the IAHCR and the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples
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