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March
15, 2002
President James
Wolfensohn
World Bank
1818 H. St. NW
Washington, DC 20010
President Wolfensohn:
We are writing
to you in our capacity as indigenous leaders and representatives from the
Americas to express our deep concern and frustration about the current
revision of the Bank’s Operational
Directive on Indigenous Peoples. These concerns relate to the substance of
the revised policy (OP 4.10) and the manner in which the Bank has attempted
to discuss the revision with indigenous representatives. We ask that you
personally intervene in this matter to ensure that the Bank upholds
indigenous peoples’ human rights.
First, OP
4.10, as presently drafted, is substantially incompatible with indigenous
peoples’ internationally recognized human
rights and, therefore, is also substantially at odds with the international
legal obligations of the Bank and its members to account for and respect
those rights. These obligations were voluntarily accepted by Bank members
through the exercise of their sovereign will. The Bank, a creation of its
members, is a subject of international law and bound by its norms. The
revised policy sets standards far below human rights standards accepted by
and binding on the vast majority of Bank members. It also undermines any
credible claim that the Bank may have towards alleviating indigenous peoples’ poverty, safeguarding indigenous peoples’ rights and interests, achieving sustainable development and
promoting good governance and the rule of law.
The preceding
is particularly apparent, for example, in the failure of the revised policy
to guarantee indigenous rights to lands, territories and resources. On this
point, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson,
stated in her December 2001 Presidential Fellow’s Lecture at the Bank, that, for indigenous peoples, “economic improvements cannot be envisaged
without protection of land and resource rights. Rights over land need to
include recognition of the spiritual relation indigenous peoples have with
their ancestral territories. And the economic base that land provides needs
to be accompanied by a recognition of indigenous peoples’ own
political and legal institutions, cultural traditions and social
organizations. Land and culture, development, spiritual values and knowledge
are as one. To fail to recognize one is to fail on all.”
This statement is consistent with international human rights law,
which requires that indigenous peoples’ ownership and other rights to their lands, territories and
resources be legally recognized and respected, which includes titling,
demarcation and ensuring their integrity. These rights are recognized and
protected in connection with a variety of other rights, including the general
prohibition of racial discrimination, the right to property, the right to
cultural integrity and as part and parcel of the right to self determination.
Paragraphs 12 and 13 of draft OP 4.10 require
nothing more than the Borrower “takes
into account” indigenous
individual and collective rights, that the Borrower “gives particular attention to” indigenous rights and, with a view to the Borrower’s legislation, “that
consideration is given to establishing legal recognition of the customary or
traditional land tenure systems of affected indigenous peoples or granting
them long-term renewable rights of custodianship and use.” The indigenous rights referred to are the “individual and collective rights to use and develop the lands that
they occupy.” Use and development of lands may be incidents of ownership but
they are not equivalent; ownership amounts to control, although not
necessarily absolute control, over the property at issue.
In practice,
should the state be opposed to recognition of and respect for indigenous
ownership rights, it need not do so and may implement a variety of projects
in violation of indigenous peoples human rights as defined by international
law. That this is left to the discretion of the Borrower is clear from
paragraph 20(e), which permits the Bank to provide technical assistance, “[a]t the Borrower’s request,” to “establish legal
recognition of the customary or traditional land tenure systems of indigenous
peoples, or grant long-term renewable rights of custodianship and use.”
This is not
only inconsistent with human rights standards, it is also entirely
inconsistent with the Bank’s public views
on the centrality of property rights to overall development and poverty
alleviation efforts. The Bank’s 1998
publication entitled ‘Development and
Human Rights: The Role of the World Bank’, for instance, states unequivocally that
Property is the ultimate potential asset of every poor person. It
is the foundation upon which citizens participate in community and political
life. When poor people own property in a secure and recognized fashion, they
are more likely to attend school, seek medical care, invest in land, protect
the environment, and build social harmony. Unfortunately, because of
ill-defined institutions and inefficient, burdensome, and often corrupt
bureaucratic systems, many of the world’s poor are prevented from fully realizing the value of their
property. The main problem in developing countries is that property claims by
the poor, while acknowledged within the community, are too often not
recognized by the state. As a result, these informal owners, who account for
more than 50 percent of the poor, lack access to the social and economic
benefits that secure property rights provide.
By failing to
adequately and effectively recognize and protect indigenous property rights,
the Bank is guilty of the same failure that it attributes to states with all
of the attendant consequences identified above. Finally, the OP is also
inconsistent with your own stated position that “Without the protection of
human and property rights, and a comprehensive framework of laws, no
equitable development is possible.”
Second, the recently concluded consultations on the policy have
been cursory and substantially inadequate. We are extremely disappointed by
the process, most of which was taken up with ambiguous and misleading
presentations by Bank staff. Additionally, Bank staff responsible for the
revision have a priori precluded addressing the issues that we deem
most important while at the same time maintaining that the Bank is engaged in
good faith consultation with us. These issues are land rights, the right to
free and informed consent and self-determination. Bank staff have said that
these issues will not be addressed as part of any revisions to the draft
policy subsequent to the consultations. Revisions, according to Bank staff,
are limited to technical matters. In our opinion, this is not good faith
consultation. It renders the consultations of little consequence - primarily
a public relations exercise - and raises serious questions about the Bank’s
commitment to involve indigenous peoples in decisions affecting our rights
and lives.
Finally, we
have repeatedly asked that Bank staff working on the revision as well as Bank
lawyers sit with us and with eminent experts in international law to discuss
OP 4.10’s compatibility with international
human rights standards and the international legal obligations of the Bank to
respect and implement these standards. At first, they had agreed to this
during a meeting held in London in August 2001 and substantial efforts were
made to organize this meeting, including inviting experts and asking the Bank
to nominate persons to take part in a roundtable discussion on the subject.
However, despite the efforts of indigenous peoples, this was the last we
heard from the Bank. Written requests to set a date for the roundtable were
ignored. Only in January 2002, did we learn, through informal channels, that
the Bank had decided not to participate.
In February 2002,
we were told at a public meeting that the Bank had decided not to participate
in the roundtable because staff felt that the proposal originated from NGOs
rather than indigenous peoples. This statement was patronizing and offensive
and implied that indigenous peoples and leaders are unable to think and act
for ourselves. We made this view clear and received a public apology the
following day. However, while the apology was appropriate, it does nothing to
allay our concerns about OP 4.10, the process by which it is elaborated and
its final content. Moreover, we are left wondering why the Bank is so
reluctant to engage in serious discussion and debate about indigenous peoples’ human rights and OP 4.10.
Our concerns
about OP 4.10 are further sharpened by our experience with another Bank
policy, the recently adopted OP 4.12 on Involuntary Resettlement. Rather than
prohibit involuntary resettlement as a gross violation of indigenous peoples’ rights to, among others, cultural integrity and survival, the
Bank will finance activities involving forcible resettlement, even resulting
in significant adverse impacts on our cultural survival. This policy
manifestly violates two norms of customary international law binding on the
Bank and its members.
In conclusion,
we refer again to Mary Robinson, who recently noted that “there is the beginning of convergence of thinking between the Bank
and OHCHR on the centrality of human rights to sustainable development.” We ask that you make revision of the Bank’s policy on indigenous peoples a test and demonstration of this
convergence of thinking and ensure that this policy does not violate
indigenous peoples’
internationally recognized rights. We seek full compliance with the Bank’s international legal obligations. Surely the Bank is required to
follow the same rule of law that it requires of its Borrowers and others.
President
Wolfensohn, we need your intervention and leadership in this matter.
Therefore, we respectfully request the following:
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That you meet with a delegation of indigenous
leaders to discuss the concerns and issues raised here;
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That you personally intervene to
ensure that the revised Bank policy is consistent with indigenous peoples’
human rights;
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That you facilitate and
encourage your staff to participate in a roundtable discussion on the
compatibility of OP 4.10 with human rights standards and the Bank’s
international legal obligations, and that this roundtable be part of the
official record of the consultation process on the policy.
Yours
respectfully,
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Eduardo
Alfredo Nieva (Argentina)
Comisión de Juristas Indígenas en la Repúpblica
Argentina
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Gregorio Choc (Belise)
Maya leaders
of Southern Belize
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Filiberto Peñados
(Centroamérica)
Presidente, Consejo Indígena de Centroamérica
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Robert Cartageña (Bolivia)
CIDOB
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Andrea Flores
(Bolivia)
Organización de Mujeres Aymaras del Kollasuyo
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Maximo Paredes Conde
(Bolivia)
Parlamento del Pueblo Gullana Aymara
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Vilma Martins
Moura (Brasil)
FUNAI
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Paulo Celso de
Oliviera (Pankararu) (Brasil)
COIAB
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Marcial Colin
(Chile)
Asociación Comunal
Mapuche
Poyenhue de
Villarrica (Región IX)
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Magdalena Choque
Blanco (Chile)
Asociación Indígena
Aymara de Acha;
Comisión Aymara de
Defensoria de Medio Ambiente de las Provincias Arica y Parinacoya de Chile
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Armando Valbuena
Goauryu (Colomiba)
Organización
Nacional Indígena de Colombia
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José Soria
(Colombia)
Organización de los
Pueblos Indígenasde la Amazonia Colombiana
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Avelina Pancho
(Colombia)
Consejo Regional Indígena de Cauca de Colombia
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José Carlos Morales
(Costa Rica)
Asociación Regional
Indígena del Dikes
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Chief Garnette
Joseph (Dominica)
Cariba Nation
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Lourdes Tiban
(Ecuador)
MIC
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Aucan Huilcaman
(Chile)
Consejo delas
Tierras Mapuche
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Manuel Masaquiza
(Ecuador)
Confederación de
Nacionalidades Indígenas de Ecuador
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Carlos Chex
(Guatemala)
Consejo Indígena de Centroamérica
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Manuela Ixtos
Cotiy (Guatemala)
ADIMC
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Pedro Rodolfo
Cocop (Guatemala)
Coordinadora
Nacional Indígena y Campesina
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Francisco Raymundo
(Guatemala)
Defensoria Maya
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Ramiro Batzin
(Guatemala)
Consejo Indígena de Centroamérica
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Kid James (Guyana)
Amerindian Peoples Association
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Adrian Esquina Lisco
(El Salvador)
Casiq Espiritual de
las Naciones Lencas Nahuat y Mayas
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Winses Wepsta Perez
(Honduras)
Moskitia Asla
Takanka Unidad de la “Mosquitia”
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Gregoria Flores
(Honduras)
Organización Fraternal Negua
Hondureño
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Francisco Javier
Peña Peña (México)
Unión de Pueblos
Indígenas de la Zona Oriente del Estado de México
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Marie Amparo
Gutierrez (México)
Organización Nación
Purhepecha
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Brooklyn Rivera
(Nicaragua)
Dirigente
Principal YATAMA
Yapti Tasbaya
Masraka Aslatakanka
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Rigoberto Mendoza
Briceño (Nicaragua)
Consejo
Regionales de Pueblos Indígenas
del Pacifico Centro Norte de Nicaragua
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Tymond Robins
(Nicaragua)
WAULA
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Héctor Huertas
Gonzáles (Panamá)
CEALP
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Fausto Valentin
(Panamá)
Congreso General
Kuna de Medongandi
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Bonarge Pacheco
(Panamá)
Congreso de Ipeti
Embera
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Tómas Alarcon (Perú)
Comisión JurRdica para el
Audodesarrollo de los Pueblos Originarios Andinos
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Tarcila Rivera
Zea (Peru)
CHIRAPAQ
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Juan Reategui (Perú)
AIDESEP
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Josien Aloema-Tokoe
(Surinam)
OIS
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Alejandro Laos F.
(Perú)
Grupo Allpa – Ser
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Luis Alberto Anrango
Bonilla (Ecuador)
Federación Nacional
de Organizaciones Campesinas Indígenas y Negras
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Fergus MacKay (Inglaterra)
Forest Peoples Programme
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Jacqueline Johnson (EEUU)
National Congress of the American Indian
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Tracy O’Hearn (Canadá)
Inuit Women’s Association
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Petuuche Gilbert (EEUU)
Indigenous World Association
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Johnson Cerda (EEUU)
Amazon Alliance
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Kim Gottschalk (EEUU)
Native American Rights Fund
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Armstrong Wiggins (EEUU)
Director of Center and South America Program, Indian Law Resource
Center
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cc:
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Presidente de los
EEUU,
George W. Bush
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Primer Ministro de
Canadá
Jean Chrétien
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Primer Ministro de
Inglaterra
Tony Blair
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Presidente del
Consejo Europeo
José Maria Aznar
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Primer Ministro
de Japón
Junichiro Koizumi
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